Photojournalism holds the power to shape global perceptions, yet it remains deeply embedded in the legacies of colonialism and unequal dynamics. Historically dominated by western perspectives, the field often marginalizes other voices, perpetuating inequities in representation and knowledge production (Mitra & Witherspoon, 2023).

This essay seeks to address the foundational issues and colonial legacies inherent in photojournalism, and explore how decolonization and de-westernization can foster a more equitable and ethical representation of global events, particularly in the context of power imbalances..

The concept of de-westernization -an essential framework for challenging Eurocentric dominance- serves as a starting point for this discussion. However, while de-westernization critiques Eurocentric practices, decolonization goes further, actively dismantling the colonial structures that persist within photojournalistic practices. This essay explores both the theoretical foundations and practical implications of decolonizing photojournalism, arguing that such a shift is necessary for more inclusive and ethical journalism.

Photojournalism plays a dual role in both capturing and disseminating visual narratives, but this process often perpetuates an imbalance in how events and people are represented. By critically examining the colonial legacies in photojournalism, this essay positions itself within the broader field of global journalism, aiming to highlight how these imbalances persist in our increasingly interconnected world.

The essay is structured as follows: it begins with an exploration of theoretical frameworks surrounding de-westernization and the Global South. The core issue—the colonial past of photojournalism and its enduring legacies -is then examined. Following this, the essay discusses the significance of de-westernizing and decolonizing photojournalism, emphasizing the importance of this shift for journalists, audiences, and the profession as a whole. Finally, a critical analysis of the media spectacle surrounding the Ethiopian famine is presented, linking the case to the earlier arguments and offering concrete examples of de-westernization in action.

Theoritical Framework

De-Westernization / Decolonization

De-Westernization, often understood as an "ongoing process and intellectual change" (Glück, 2015), is a concept that raises questions about the impact of the West on social sciences and global knowledge. Although the term de-westernization is difficult to define precisely, it encompasses a wide range of meanings and is part of a movement aimed at reconsidering dominant knowledge (Glück, 2015). According to Waisbord and Mellado (2014), it is an “act of cultural defense” and an anti-imperialist strategy aimed at promoting academic sovereignty. In this sense, de-westernization is not only a critique of the power structures imposed by the West, but also an attempt to rebalance global perspectives.

De-westernization primarily addresses the way the West is seen as the standard and model, questioning “the domination of the West, real or imagined,” as the dominant conceptual and representational force (Bâ and Higbee, 2012 in Glück, 2015). Waisbord and Mellado (2014) emphasize that de-westernization should be viewed as a "co-debate" that aims to enrich and complement existing knowledge while challenging the supposed universality of Western thought.

In the academic world, de-westernization is also seen as a form of resistance. It denouncess the overwhelming influence of Western research, often considered an “oligopoly of power in social sciences,” a phenomenon dominated by the United States and the United Kingdom, but also by countries like France and Germany (Glück, 2015). This dominance leads to a culturally biased worldview, rooted in ancient Enlightenment ideas and ancient Greek concepts, and tends to exclude or marginalize contributions from the Global South (Gunaratne, 2009 in Glück, 2015).

De-westernization also criticizes the marginalization of non-Western knowledge. In fact, although discipline like social and political sciences existed long before the colonial era, the contributions of non-Western scholars have often been ignored or underrepresented in mainstream debates (Glück, 2015). The global spread of theories and intellectual models, largely influenced by Western socio-economic contexts, has often led to generalizations that do not take into account the specific realities of countries in the Global South (Kassab, 2013; Waisbord, 2015).

This Western hegemony in academia has been widely criticized. As Glück (2015) points out, the categories of thought produced in Western metropolises do not "dialogue with the ideas produced by the colonized worlds," thus creating a divide in understanding global realities. This leads to the neglect of local perspectives and the uncritical adoption of theoretical models that does not necessarily fit non-Western contexts (Alatas, 2006.

This intellectual domination lead to biased research approaches, where subjects, methods, and interpretations are often defined by Western ontologies and epistemologies, ignoring indigenous intellectual traditions (Alatas, 2006). It also creates a lack of diversity in knowledge production and the recognition of marginalized voices. This dynamic, according to Waisbord and Mellado (2014), prevents minority perspectives from being considered and strengthens elitist and reductive worldviews.

The main goal of de-westernization is to spark deep reflection on how global knowledge is produced. This concept aims to challenge the dominant power structures in knowledge production, particularly those that favor Eurocentric perspectives, to encourage a more inclusive approach. According to Glück (2015), de-westernization is a call for an 'epistemic shift' away from particularism and Eurocentrism, which have long dominated global research. It advocates for the integration of ideas and intellectual debates that have emerged in the Global South, as well as a revision of established paradigms in Western contexts.

This process is about revaluing the knowledge of countries in the Global South and aims to create a space where non-Western perspectives can find their place. Some Western scholars, as pointed out by Curran and Park (2000), strive for greater intercultural inclusivity, seeking to enrich research and curricula with a diversity of perspectives. This would help move beyond provincialism from the limited experiences of a few specific countries. In the same vein, non-Western scholars fight against Eurocentrism and externally imposed categories. They emphasize the need to redefine alternatives and interpretative frameworks that account for local social processes in their specificities, without being constrained by foreign paradigms (Dissanayake, 2009; Ray, 2012). Ultimately, the goal is to question and renew the very foundations of global research, making it fairer and more representative of the multiple realities of the world.

Understanding the Global South Framework

The concept of the Global South only makes sense when it is compared to its opposite: the Global North. According to Waisbord and Amado (2023), the South and the North are often defined by contrasting pasts and presents, conditions of wealth and dispossession, but also by relationships marked by inequality and domination. The Global South, even though it includes different countries, remains a valuable analytical and normative concept because it is deeply connected to the history of colonialism and a subordinate geopolitical position in the current global order. In this sense, the Global South is an "imagined community" that brings together countries affected by colonial legacies, despite deep cultural and social differences (Waisbord and Amado, 2023).

The categories of the Global South and Global North, as noted by the same authors, reflect a critical and historical approach to global relations. They highlight structural inequalities and how the power relations between these two poles are mutually constitutive. Additionally, for critical researchers, the Global South represents a space of subalternity, where struggles for liberation and emancipation have shaped a collective history across the Middle East, Africa, the Americas, and Asia (Waisbord and Amado, 2023).

Waisbord and Amado (2023) explain that the production of knowledge has been dominated for a long time by a one-way flow of ideas from the North, with universalist assumptions that ignored the diversity of local contexts and cultures. The Global South represents a awareness of these inequalities, but also a “ontological and epistemological demand for diversifying perspectives, re-evaluating theories, and reconsidering how ideas circulate” (Waisbord and Amado, 2023).

De Sousa Santos and Meneses (2020), cited in Mitra and Witherspoon (2023), remind us that the Global South is not just a geographical area, but a space where ideas and voices are marginalized. This understanding helps explain why visual histories and narratives from these regions are often biased or incomplete, as local perspectives are ignored or misinterpreted.

The main theoretical argument is that the themes and questions must be placed within the historical and contemporary context of the Global South. According to Waisbord and Amado (2023), this means adopting a “dual position”, both ontological and epistemological, to better understand local social realities. In other words, research should value indigenous theories and concepts, rooted in the academic, philosophical, and religious traditions of the Global South, while questioning knowledge based from the ideologies of the Global North.

This is an approach that seeks to challenge the dominant discourse of Western social sciences and advocates for rejecting external categories and paradigms. The central question, therefore, is how to reorganize the production of knowledge so that it is more representative of the voices and realities of the Global South, rather than being dictated by a homogenizing Western model (Waisbord & Amado, 2023).

The power dynamics between the Global South and the Global North have direct impacts on the field of photojournalism. Waisbord and Amado (2023) point out that the local realities of journalism in the Global South are fundamentally different from Western practices and models. The idea that the principles of Western journalism can be applied to contexts in the South is a mistake, as it overlooks very specific and sometimes radically different contexts and realities. This shows that it is essential to reframe journalism in the Global South based on its own local realities, using analytical frameworks rooted in the intellectual and cultural traditions specific to these regions (Waisbord and Amado, 2023).

In this context, the idea of the Global South goes far beyond just a geographic label. It represents a project of decolonizing knowledge, bringing attention to blind spots in research, and advocating for better recognition of the diversity of voices in global academia. This approach calls for a renewal of perspectives in photojournalism, where the visual voices of the South must be heard more fairly, away from colonial patterns of domination and representation (Waisbord and Amado, 2023).

Photojournalism’s Colonial Legacies

Photojournalism, as we know it today, emerged gradually over several decades (Mitra and Witherspoon, 2023). At the time, the term "photojournalism" was applied to earlier photographic practices. In this context, photojournalism shaped what Moeller (1999) and Campbell (2007) call an "imagined geography.". It gave people visual representations of distant places they had never seen. But these images were not just objects of curiosity; they helped push imperial ambitions.

Mitra and Witherspoon (2023) explain that "photography was an essential tool in the visual methods of observation and travel at the heart of imperial projects of spatial expansion and the production of positivist knowledge”. Denis Cosgrove showed how Europeans used photographs, along with maps and paintings, to create representations of the world that reinforced power dynamics. By assembling these "fragments," Europeans constructed a vision of dominance over these territories. Cosgrove (2008) explains that this process allowed for an imaginary form of control that shaped perceptions of these spaces as areas to be conquered or exploited.

Photojournalism also reinforced divisions between colonial geographies. Clark (2009) argues that these divisions were not natural but were constructed through complex narratives. The West defined itself as 'civilized' by constructing the Global South as 'other,' often through media narratives that emphasized negative stereotypes, such as wars or famines (Clark, 2009). These constructed ideas became so normalized they seemed obvious. This framing created a gap between "the real and the imagined," as Rosati (2007) explains, paving the way for dominant portrayals of race, gender, and sexuality.

Colonial Photography still deeply influences how photojournalism portrays the world nowadays. In particular, they have reinforced old inequalities in representation and maintained these barriers to developing a more inclusive understanding of the field. Media outlets still shape how the Global South is portrayed and these frameworks shape the public’s geographical imagination and perpetuate implicit assumptions about global hierarchies (Rosati, 2007, p. 999; Power, 2003 in Clark, 2009). Additionally, academic research often treats photojournalism from the Global North as representative of the entire profession. This perspective reinforces the idea that practices from the Global South are marginal or secondary, obscuring their contributions (Mitra and Witherspoon, 2023).

One underlying reason for this exclusion lies in how photographs are perceived. As Gregory explains, photographs are not merely "certificates of presence" proving that the photographer was present, but they also function as "certificates of symbolic possession" for the viewer (Clark, 2009). This means that photographs give viewers the illusion of understanding what they see. Although flawed, this perception reinforces a hierarchy in which visual representations created in the Global North dominate—even when they depict subjects from the Global South. To overcome these barriers, De Sousa Santos and Meneses (2020) advocate for replacing the notion of the Global South as a static and purely geographic concept, with a focus on epistemic inequalities in knowledge production.

Significance

As we have seen, photojournalism has been heavily shaped by perspectives from the Global North. This dominance has led to calls for de-Westernization, which aim to challenge and expand traditional journalism paradigms. Addressing these legacies allows journalists to restore epistemic justice by recognizing knowledge systems and perspectives from the Global South, moving beyond frameworks imposed by the Global North.

Academically, a key step in addressing this imbalance is to shift the focus from studying “photojournalism FROM the Global South” to examining “professional photojournalism IN the Global South,” as (Mitra and Witherspoon 2023). This shift would enable an analysis that avoids Northern biases, recognizes the norms and practices of photojournalism in the Global South, and empowering communities in the Global South to represent their own stories, fostering fairer inclusivity and justice in global storytelling.

Finally, decolonizing and dewetsernizing photojournalism is both an ethical obligation and a professional responsibility. Journalism’s core values, such as truth and accountability, are compromised by uncritical acceptance of colonial legacies. As Mitra and Witherspoon (2023) argue, “Decolonization challenges this imbalance, promoting equity within the profession and acknowledging the diverse ways in which photojournalism is practiced worldwide.” By addressing these legacies, journalists can uphold the integrity of their profession and produce more just and inclusive stories.

Proposed Solution

To address the dominance of Global North perspectives in photojournalism, Mitra and Witherspoon (2023) propose three strategies aimed at decolonizing the field: broadening its scope, incorporating voices from the Global South, challenging the dominance of Global North narratives, and promoting a more inclusive, locally-driven understanding of photojournalism and its history (Mitra & Witherspoon, 2023).

The first step in decolonizing photojournalism involves revisiting histories marginalized by Western frameworks. Mitra and Witherspoon (2023) argue for integrating the analysis of photography's ties to modern journalism with a critical examination of the colonial influences embedded in photographic practices. Lugo-Ocando (2020) explains that photojournalism, rooted in the scientific rationalism of the 19th century, reflects the epistemologies of the Global North. To decolonize the field, scholars must reassess early photographic work that documented colonized peoples and territories (Mitra & Witherspoon, 2023). Equally important is exploring how photography evolved in the Global South during the 19th and 20th centuries. Research by Karlekar (2005) and Behdad (2016) highlights rich traditions in colonial and orientalist photography across regions such as South Asia, North Africa, and Sub-Saharan Africa (Mitra & Witherspoon, 2023).

The second step is acknowledging the varied practices within journalism. Photojournalists operate under different material and social conditions depending on their regional contexts, as shown by data from the World Press Photo Association. These differences influence not only the tools available but also societal expectations and challenges faced by journalists. Recognizing these distinctions allows for a shift away from the Global North practices and norms as the universal standard, fostering an “appreciation” of the diverse realities shaping photojournalism worldwide (Mitra & Witherspoon, 2023).

​​Finally, the last step is about reimagining transnational photojournalism. Existing research often centers on major Western hubs like New York, London or Paris; these symbolic capitals, predominantly accessible to Global North professionals, have been elevated to cosmopolitan status (Mitra and Witherspoon, 2023). This marginalizes Global South practitioners, whose work struggles for recognition. Initiatives like Women Photograph, the African Photojournalism Database, Foto Féminas in Latin America, and the Thuma Collective in Myanmar are examples of efforts to reclaim narrative agency.

Case Study

As we have seen, the concept of de-westernization, as discussed by Waisbord and Mellado (2014) and Glück (2015), critiques the dominance of Western perspectives and advocates for incorporating more diverse viewpoints, particularly from the Global South. Media coverage of Ethiopia’s 1984–85 famine exemplifies this dominance of Western perspectives and percepttions shaped by Eurocentric media frameworks.

Ethiopia Before the Famine

Ethiopia’s image in the Western world has shifted over time, starting with 18th-century European explorations. Early visitors, like Scotsman James Bruce, focused on Ethiopia’s natural environment rather than its culture or social structures. Bruce, for instance, chose to highlight "flora and fauna" instead of urban landscapes or religious practices (Pankhurst & Gérard, 1996 in Clark, 2009). This reflects the broader tendency in Western portrayals to present Ethiopia as an exotic land rather than a complex society.

The introduction of photography in the 19th century added a new dimension to Western views of Ethiopia. British missionary Henry Stern used photography in the mid-1800s, largely to document rural areas in line with the idea of Ethiopia as a "primitive" land (Harrison & Palmer, 1986; Pankhurst & Gérard, 1996 in Clark, 2009). His photographs emphasized the country's less developed regions, reflecting Western ideas about Ethiopia. By the late 19th century, European interest in Ethiopia grew. European photographers like Revoil, Swayne, and James contributed to Ethiopia’s image as an exotic destination by capturing its historical monuments and tribes (Clark, 2009). While Ethiopia avoided full colonial rule, the influx of photographers reflected the continuing Western gaze on its landscapes and history (Pankhurst & Gérard, 1996).

The Italian invasion in 1935 marked a key change in how Ethiopia was represented. According to Clark (2009), the brutal tactics, including chemical weapon use, caused many Ethiopian deaths. Foreign photographers, rather than Ethiopians, documented these events, portraying Ethiopia as a battleground in the imperial conflict but also a symbol of African resistance to colonialism. Magazines like Time celebrated Ethiopia’s defiance, with Selassie portrayed as a cultured leader (Pankhurst & Gérard, 1996). However, Clark (2009) notes that while Ethiopia’s resistance was praised, the complexities of its society was still ignored

The Ethiopian Famine

The Ethiopian famine of 1984-1985 was caused by a combination of political, environmental, and historical factors. Famines had occurred in Ethiopia as far back as the 9th century (Harrison & Palmer, 1986), but the 1984 famine was different due to its scale and, especially, its intense media coverage. Hapte-Selassie Tafesse, former Minister of Tourism, said that before 1973, Ethiopia was prospering in tourism. But the 1973 famine changed Ethiopia’s image, shifting it from a respected nation to one in crisis (Clark’s interview with Hapte-Selassie, 2003).

Despite early warnings from Ethiopia's government, NGOs, and the UN, the 1984 famine was portrayed as an unexpected disaster. Clark (2009) argues that these warnings were largely ignored by governments and media in the Global North. It was only when the world saw the shocking images of famine that it took action. Mike Aldridge, former BBC’s East Africa said “the world knew about it or certainly should have known about it” before it reached its peak, but the lack of compelling images slowed global recognition of the crisis (Aldrige in Mills & Rayani, 1986).

The famine’s visual representation, especially in the documentary The Unknown Famine (1984), shaped global perceptions of Ethiopia. The film, produced by David Dimbleby, showed graphic footage of starving people, which shocked Western audiences. As the famine worsened, the Derg regime struggled to control the narrative and the media coverage played a significant role in its downfall in 1991. The famine’s visual impact, combined with its devastating effects, severely damaged Ethiopia’s global reputation.

After the famine, the Derg attempted to improve Ethiopia’s image by reopening the tourism sector and downplaying the suffering. However, as Clark (2009) points out, the damage was already done. The 1984-1985 famine images, along with political instability, became deeply tied to Ethiopia’s identity in the West. Despite later efforts to highlight Ethiopia’s cultural heritage, the famine’s legacy overshadowed these attempts, creating a complex narrative of resilience and ongoing hardship.

Analysis

Western Dominance in Representing Ethiopia

Western media has long dominated global narratives, especially in crises within the Global South. Glück (2015) critiques this dominance, describing it as an “oligopoly of powers” controlled by Western countries. This was evident in the coverage of Ethiopia’s 1984 famine, where outlets like BBC and CNN presented the crisis through a Western lens, reinforcing a one-sided perspective. Lidchi (1993, in Clark, 2009), in critiques how Western narratives exploit vulnerable subjects for emotional appeal while overlooking historical and political contexts. The 1984 famine, part of a broader history of famines such as the 1888–92 crisis (Harrison & Palmer, 1986), was presented as a uniquely Ethiopian tragedy, obscuring its deeper socio-political causes. The “imperial gaze” (Moeller, 1999) reflects how Western photographers shaped the images and ideologies surrounding Ethiopia, sharing images to evoke emotional reactions, but these visuals reinforced the stereotype of Africa as a land of exotism then endless suffering (Clark, 2009).

Exclusion of Local Perspectives

The famine highlights the marginalization of Global South voices in shaping global narratives. Ethiopian journalists, scholars, and citizens were largely excluded from the story, as noted by Alatas (2006) and De Sousa Santos and Meneses (2020), who criticize the dominance of Western epistemologies, relegating the Global South to a subaltern position.

Western photographers dominated the visual coverage of the famine, sidelining Ethiopian photographers who were often dismissed as “unprofessional,” reflecting another the colonial legacy where Western standards override local expertise and denying Ethiopians the opportunity to shape their own narrative (Wossan, 2003 in Clark, 2009).

Legacy of Negative Imagery

Early colonial depictions of Ethiopia as 'primitive' and exotic became iconic, reinforcing dominance by shaping perceptions of colonized peoples (Pankhurst & Gérard, 1996). Similarly, famine coverage framed Ethiopia as a 'basket case,' with images of starving children stripped of context. This reduced the crisis—and the country itself—to a narrative of endless suffering, reinforcing the stereotype of Ethiopia, and even Africa, as forever dependent on Western aid.

De-Westernizing Representation of the Ethiopian Famine

To address the imbalances in famine representation, we need to rethink how stories from the Global South are told. Waisbord and Amado (2023) argue that global narratives should be rooted in the historical and cultural contexts of the Global South, prioritizing indigenous knowledge over Western frameworks. For exemple, media coverage should have highlighted that the famine was long predicted, rather than presenting it as Ethiopia's inevitable 'destiny.'

Mitra and Witherspoon (2021) suggest that photojournalism should balance truth-telling with meaning-making, crafting narratives that emphasize resilience, innovation, and the systemic factors behind crises, rather than reinforcing stereotypes. For example, Ethiopia's growing tech scene and grassroots efforts during the famine could have provided a counter-narrative to the widespread portrayal of suffering.

The dominance of Western photographers could have been reduced by promoting collaborations with local photographers. Initiatives like the African Photojournalism Database demonstrate how Ethiopian photographers offered a more nuanced view of the famine, focusing on resilience instead of despair (Mitra & Witherspoon, 2021). Transnational journalism should also encourage a dialogue between international and local journalists. Projects like Everyday Africa show how such collaboration can result in more balanced and equitable storytelling. As Ethiopian photographer Aida Muluneh says, 'Our stories are told for us, not by us.' Allowing Ethiopians to shape their own narrative challenges stereotypes and gives agency to those most affected by the crisis.

Conclusion

This essay has explored the colonial legacies and power imbalances in photojournalism, particularly the unequal dynamics between the Global North and South. Historically rooted in colonial practices, photojournalism has often reduced the Global South to crisis-driven images, reinforcing stereotypes and excluding local perspectives. Decolonizing the field requires revisiting its origins, challenging Eurocentric narratives, and amplifying the voices of marginalized communities to foster ethical and equitable portrayals.

The case of Ethiopia’s 1984 famine demonstrates the harm of Western-dominated narratives, where a lack of local input perpetuated biased and incomplete understandings. To ensure inclusive representations, photojournalism must embrace diverse narratives, reflect on its colonial past, and prioritize marginalized voices.

While this essay addresses key aspects of colonial legacies and decolonization in photojournalism, several important areas remain unexplored. For instance, the relationship between photojournalism and "fixers" or local photographers warrants further study. Similarly, the role of NGOs in representing the Global South needs deeper analysis.

The concept of 'compassion fatigue,' discussed by Moeller (1999), as well as ‘Afro-Pessimism/Optimism’ and disonnance, are also important to explore, as they highlight how repeated images of suffering from the Global South can lead to public desensitization and other unintended consequences. Furthermore, although ethical considerations in crisis photography have been addressed by scholars like Lidchi (1993) and Clark (2009), the broader concept of "ethics" within all roles in visual journalism requires more reflection.

Finally, photojournalism itself remains an under-researched area within the field of journalism studies, especially compared to other topics. This gap presents a significant opportunity for deeper academic exploration. The topic of decolonizing photojournalism is highly relevant and offers numerous avenues for further research, potentially making it an ideal subject for an MA thesis. As photojournalism continues to play a pivotal role in shaping global perceptions, it is critical to engage with these issues in a more comprehensive and scholarly manner.

Bibliography

Mitra, S. and Witherspoon, B. (2023) 'De-Westernizing photojournalism. From photojournalism of the Global South to photojournalism in the Global South', in The Routledge Companion to Journalism in the Global South. London: Routledge, pp. 399–408.

Glück, A. (2015) 'De-Westernisation, key concept paper'. White Rose Research Online.

Waisbord, S. and Amado, A. (2023) 'What defines journalism in/from the Global South?', in Routledge eBooks. pp. 13–23.

Clark, D.J. (2009) 'Representing the majority world famine, photojournalism and the changing visual economy'. Durham e-Theses, Durham University.

Bâ, S.M. and Higbee, W. (2012) 'Introduction: De-Westernizing film studies', in Bâ, S.M. and Higbee, W. (eds.) De-Westernizing Film Studies. London: Routledge.

Waisbord, S. and Mellado, C. (2014) 'De-Westernizing communication studies: A reassessment', Communication Theory, 24(4), pp. 361–372.

Waisbord, S. (2015) 'De-Westernisation and cosmopolitan media studies', in Lee, C.-C. (ed.) Internationalizing ‘International Communication’. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Kassab, E.S. (2013) Contemporary Arab Thought: Cultural Critique in Comparative Perspective. New York: Columbia University Press.

Gunaratne, S.A. (2009) 'Globalization: A non-western perspective: The bias of social science/communication oligopoly', Communication, Culture & Critique, 2(1), pp. 60–82.

Alatas, F.S. (2006) Alternative Discourses in Asian Social Science: Responses to Eurocentrism. London: SAGE Publications.

Curran, J. and Park, M.-J. (2000) De-Westernizing Media Studies. London: Routledge.

Dissanayake, W. (2009) 'The production of Asian theories of communication: Contexts and challenges', Asian Journal of Communication, 19(4), pp. 453–468.

Ray, T. (2012) 'To de-westernize, yes, but with a critical edge: A response to Gunaratne and others', Media, Culture & Society, 34(2), pp. 238–249.

Said, E. (2000) 'Orientalism reconsidered', in Macfie, A.L. (ed.) Orientalism: A Reader. New York: New York University Press.

de Sousa Santos, B. and Meneses, M. (2020) 'Epistemologies of the South – giving voice to the diversity of the South', in de Sousa Santos, B. and Meneses, M. (eds.) Knowledges Born in the Struggle: Constructing the Epistemologies of the Global South. London: Routledge.

Cosgrove, D. (2008) Geography and Vision. London: I.B. Tauris.

Moeller, S. (1999) Compassion Fatigue. London: Routledge.

Campbell, D. (2007) 'Geopolitics and visuality: Sighting the Darfur conflict', Political Geography, 26(4), pp. 357–382.

Rosati, C. (2007) 'Media geographies: Uncovering the spatial politics of images', Geography Compass, 1(5), pp. 995–1014.

Power, S. (2003) Rethinking Development Geographies. London: Routledge.

Lugo-Ocando, J. (2020) Foreign Aid and Journalism in the Global South: A Mouthpiece for Truth. Lanham: Lexington Books.

Pankhurst, R. and Gérard, D. (1996) Ethiopia Photographed. London: Kegan Paul.

Harrison, P. and Palmer, R. (1986) News Out of Africa. London: Shipman.

Lidchi, H. (1993) 'All in the Choosing Eye: Charity, Representation and the Developing World', Open University, Milton Keynes: Open University.